用户:Dkzzl/三国
阿洛迪亚 | |||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
6世纪—约1500年 | |||||||||||||
首都 | 索巴 | ||||||||||||
常用语言 | 努比亚语言 希腊语 (礼仪) 其他[a] | ||||||||||||
宗教 | 科普特正教 非洲传统宗教 | ||||||||||||
历史时期 | 中古 | ||||||||||||
• 史料首次提及 | 6世纪 | ||||||||||||
• 毁灭 | 约1500年 | ||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||
今属于 | 苏丹 厄立特里亚 |
阿洛迪亚(Alodia),或称阿儒阿或阿勒瓦(希腊语:Aρουα[3];阿拉伯语:علوة,转写:ʿAlwa)是中古时期存在的一个国家,位于今日苏丹的中南部。其都城为索巴,位于青尼罗河与白尼罗河交汇处,距今日的苏丹首都喀土穆不远。
公元350年左右,统治这一区域的库施王国崩溃,阿洛迪亚可能在此后不久建立,并于569年第一次出现在历史记载中。库施崩溃后,逐渐形成阿洛迪亚、马库里亚、诺巴提亚三国,而阿洛迪亚是其中最后一个基督教化的,于约580年才完成这一进程。9-12世纪,其国力可能达到顶峰,有记载显示,其在领土、军事力量、经济繁荣方面都超过了北面的邻居,双方统治者存在紧密家族联系的马库里亚。作为一个多元文化的大国,阿洛迪亚有一位强势的君主与他任命的行省长官,其都城索巴因贸易中心地位而繁荣,被描绘为“有豪华的住宅与满是黄金与花园的教堂”[4]。来自马库里亚、中东、西非、印度甚至是中国的货物在这里汇聚,有希腊文、努比亚文铭文存世。
12世纪后,特别是13世纪,阿洛迪亚走向衰落,可能是由于干旱、贸易路线的改变与南方的入侵。14世纪,它又遭遇了瘟疫打击,阿拉伯人部落也开始向上尼罗河谷迁徙。到1500年时,都城索巴已被阿拉伯人或丰吉人攻陷,这可能标志着阿洛迪亚的灭亡,但在苏丹人的口传历史宣称它的人民移居埃塞俄比亚-苏丹边境地区,建立法祖赫里王国。摧毁索巴城后,丰吉人以森纳尔为中心建立苏丹国,开启了伊斯兰化与阿拉伯化的进程。、
史料
迄今为止,阿洛迪亚是努比亚中世纪三国中被研究最少的国家[5],因为史料非常少[6]。我们对它的了解大多来自少数中古阿拉伯史家的提及,其中最重要的几位是地理学家叶耳孤比(9世纪)、伊本·郝盖勒与艾斯瓦尼(10世纪),以及12世纪的科普特人史家阿布·麦卡里姆[7][8]。关于6世纪阿洛迪亚基督教化的记载见于同时期的叙利亚语史家、主教以弗所的约翰的记载[9]。几种后中世纪的苏丹史料提及了它的灭亡[10][11]。艾斯瓦尼称,他曾与与一位“非常熟悉阿勒瓦(阿洛迪亚)历史”的努比亚史家交流[12],但目前还没有发现中古努比亚人写出的历史著作[13]。
虽然现在我们已经知道许多阿洛迪亚遗址的位置[14],但只有其首都索巴进行过广泛的考古挖掘[15],其部分遗址于1950年代后期出土,80年代与90年代又进行了进一步挖掘[16],一项新的多学科研究项目计划于2019年末启动[17]。索巴遗址面积约2.75平方千米,被大堆从前属于纪念性建筑的瓦砾覆盖[16],目前发现的有几座教堂、一座宫殿及坟墓与其他小成果[18]。
地理
阿洛迪亚位于努比亚地区。在中世纪,努比亚指的是北至埃及南部的阿斯旺,南到白尼罗河、青尼罗河交汇处以南的地区[19]。而阿洛迪亚的核心地区是杰济拉,一片东西两侧分别有白尼罗河、青尼罗河流经的富饶平原[20]。与白尼罗河谷地不同,青尼罗河谷地的阿洛迪亚考古遗迹更为丰富,其首都索巴也在青尼罗河畔[21]。尚不清楚阿洛迪亚在南部的影响范围有多大[22],但其边界可能是埃塞俄比亚高原[23]。目前已发现的最靠南的阿洛迪亚遗址在森纳尔附近[b]。
伊本·郝盖勒将白尼罗河西侧分为马库里亚控制的杰布林(Al-Jeblien,可能与现在的北科尔多凡对应)和阿洛迪亚控制的艾赫丁(Al-Ahdin,可能指努巴山脉地区,可能向南延伸到靠近今日苏丹-南苏丹边界的利里山(Jebel al Liri)[26])。有观点认为努比亚人可能也与达尔富尔地区有联系,但缺乏证据[27]。
The northern region of 阿洛迪亚 probably extended from the confluence of the two Niles downstream to Abu Hamad near Mograt Island.[28] Abu Hamad likely constituted the northernmost outpost of the 阿洛迪亚n province known as al-Abwab ("the gates"),[29] although some scholars also suggest a more southerly location, nearer the Atbara River.[30] No evidence for a major 阿洛迪亚n settlement has been discovered north of the confluence of the two Niles,[31] although several forts have been recorded there.[32]
Lying between the Nile and the Atbara was the Butana,[33] grassland suitable for livestock.[28] Along the Atbara and the adjacent Gash Delta (near Kassala) many Christian sites have been noted.[34] According to Ibn Hawqal, a vassal king loyal to 阿洛迪亚 governed the region around the Gash Delta.[35] In fact, much of the Sudanese-Ethiopian-Eritrean borderlands, once under control of the Ethiopian kingdom of Aksum, appear to have been under 阿洛迪亚n influence.[36] The accounts of both Ibn Hawqal and al-Aswani suggest that 阿洛迪亚 also controlled the desert along the Red Sea coast.[23]
历史
起源
阿洛迪亚这个名字可能相当古老,一块公元前4世纪的库施王国石碑中提到的“阿卢特(Alut)”可能就是指阿洛迪亚,罗马学者老普林尼(1世纪)在列举库施城镇名单时提到了阿罗瓦(Alwa),称其在麦罗埃以南[37]。4世纪的阿克苏姆铭文中提及了名为“阿勒瓦(Alwa)”的城镇,指出它位于尼罗河与阿特巴拉河的交汇处[38]。
到4世纪初,一度控制苏丹沿河地区大部的库施王国进入衰落期,努比亚人(说努比亚语言之人)开始在尼罗河河谷定居[40]。他们原本生活在尼罗河以西,但气候的改变促使他们东迁,至少在公元前1世纪就开始与库施王国发生冲突[41]。到4世纪中期,努比亚人已控制库施领土大部[38],向北到达布塔纳地带[42]。阿克苏姆的铭文提及好战的努比亚人威胁到了阿克苏姆王国在特克泽河以北的领土,使得阿克苏姆对他们发动远征[43]。按照其记述,努比亚人被阿克苏姆军队击败,阿克苏姆军行军到达尼罗河与阿特巴拉河的交汇处,并劫掠了那里的几个库施城镇,包括阿勒瓦(Alwa)[38]。
考古证据显示库施王国可能在4世纪中期就已不复存在,无法得知阿克苏姆军的远征是否直接导致了其的灭亡,不过似乎阿克苏姆势力在努比亚没有停留多久[44]。最终,一系列地方中心取代了中央政权,其统治精英被葬在巨大的坟包中[45]。 Such tumuli, within what would become 阿洛迪亚, are known from El-Hobagi, Jebel Qisi and perhaps Jebel Aulia.[46] The excavated tumuli of El-Hobagi are known to date to the late 4th century,[47] and contained an assortment of weaponry imitating Kushite royal funerary rituals.[48] 与此同时,许多库施人的神庙和定居点都被抛弃,包括首都麦罗埃[49][./User:Dkzzl/三国#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEdwards2004187-51 [49]]。库施人则融入了努比亚人[50],他们的语言也被努比亚语取代[51]。
How the kingdom of 阿洛迪亚 came into being is unknown.[52] Its formation was completed by the mid-6th century, when it is said to have existed alongside the other Nubian kingdoms of Nobadia and 马库里亚 in the north.[30] Soba, which by the 6th century had developed into a major urban center,[53] served as its capital.[30] In 569 the kingdom of 阿洛迪亚 was mentioned for the first time, being described by John of Ephesus as a kingdom on the cusp of Christianization.[52] 除了以弗所的约翰,还有一份来自东罗马帝国治下的埃及的6世纪末的希腊文文献提及了一名阿洛迪亚裔女奴,也证明了阿洛迪亚的存在[54]。
基督教化与鼎盛
以弗所的约翰的记述描绘了阿洛迪亚基督教化的细节。作为三个努比亚王国中最靠南的一个,阿洛迪亚也是三国中最后一个基督教化的。根据约翰的记载,阿洛迪亚的国王听闻诺巴提亚王国皈依基督教(543年)后,向约翰请求派一个主教来为他的人民施洗礼,580年他接到了这一请求,并派朗基努斯前往,为国王全国及当地贵族行了洗礼。由此阿洛迪亚成为基督教世界的一部分,其教会归属亚历山大的科普特一性论教会 After conversion, several pagan temples, such as the one in Musawwarat es-Sufra, were probably converted into churches.[56] 基督教在阿洛迪亚扩展的速度与范围也很难估计,虽然贵族都宣布皈依,但乡村人口接受基督教的速度可能很难,甚至可能从未真正接受[57]。John of Ephesus' report also implies tensions between 阿洛迪亚 and 马库里亚. Several forts north of the confluence of the two Niles have recently been dated to this period. However, their occupation did not exceed the 7th century, suggesting that the 马库里亚-阿洛迪亚 conflict was soon resolved.[58]
639-641年,阿拉伯人自拜占庭帝国手中征服了埃及[59]。马库里亚此时已统一了诺巴提亚[60],并两次击退穆斯林的入侵,一次在641/42年,一次在652年。之后,马库里亚与阿拉伯人签订了“契约”,规定两方和平相处,每年交换礼物,并规定了两方的经济社会关系[61]。阿洛迪亚则不在条约范围内[62]。 While the Arabs failed to conquer Nubia, they began to settle along the western coast of the Red Sea. They founded the port towns of Aydhab and Badi in the 7th century and Suakin, first mentioned in the 10th century.[63] From the 9th century, they pushed further inland, settling among the Beja throughout the Eastern Desert. Arab influence would remain confined to the east of the Nile until the 14th century.[64]
Based on the archaeological evidence it has been suggested that 阿洛迪亚's capital Soba underwent its peak development between the 9th and 12th centuries.[65] In the 9th century, 阿洛迪亚 was, albeit briefly, described for the first time by the Arab historian al-Yaqubi. In his short account, 阿洛迪亚 is said to be the stronger of the two Nubian kingdoms, being a country requiring a three-month journey to cross. He also recorded that Muslims would occasionally travel there.[66]
A century later, in the mid-10th century, 阿洛迪亚 was visited by traveler and historian Ibn Hawqal, resulting in the most comprehensive known account of the kingdom. He described the geography and people of 阿洛迪亚 in considerable detail, giving the impression of a large, polyethnic state. He also noted its prosperity, having an "uninterrupted chain of villages and a continuous strip of cultivated lands".[67] When Ibn Hawqal arrived, the ruling king was named Eusebius, who was, upon his death, succeeded by his nephew Stephanos.[68][69] Another 阿洛迪亚n king from this period was David, who is known from a tombstone in Soba. His rule was initially dated to 999–1015, but based on paleographical grounds it is now dated more broadly, to the 9th or 10th centuries.[70]
Ibn Hawqal's report describing 阿洛迪亚's geography was largely confirmed by al-Aswani, a Fatimid ambassador sent to 马库里亚, who went on to travel to 阿洛迪亚. In a similar manner to al-Yaqubi's description of 100 years before, 阿洛迪亚 was noted as being more powerful than 马库里亚, more extensive and having a larger army. The capital Soba was a prosperous town with "fine buildings, and extensive dwellings and churches full of gold and gardens", while also having a large Muslim quarter.[4]
Abu al-Makarim (12th century)[7] was the last historian to refer to 阿洛迪亚 in detail. It was still described as a large, Christian kingdom housing around 400 churches. A particularly large and finely constructed one was said to be located in Soba, called the "Church of Manbali".[71] Two 阿洛迪亚n kings, Basil and Paul, are mentioned in 12th century Arabic letters from Qasr Ibrim.[69]
There is evidence that at certain periods there were close relations between the 阿洛迪亚n and the 马库里亚n royal families. It is possible that the throne frequently passed to a king whose father was of the royal family of the other state.[72] Nubiologist Włodzimierz Godlewski states that it was under the 马库里亚n king Merkurios (early 8th century) that the two kingdoms began to approach each other.[73] In 943 al Masudi wrote that the 马库里亚n king ruled over 阿洛迪亚, while Ibn Hawqal wrote that it was the other way around.[72] The 11th century saw the appearance of a new royal crown in 马库里亚n art; it has been suggested that this derived from the 阿洛迪亚n court.[74] King Mouses Georgios, who is known to have ruled in 马库里亚 in the second half of the 12th century, most likely ruled both kingdoms via a personal union. Considering that in his royal title ("king of the Arouades and Makuritai") 阿洛迪亚 is mentioned before 马库里亚, he might have initially been an 阿洛迪亚n king.[75]
衰落
Archaeological evidence from Soba suggests a decline of the town, and therefore possibly the 阿洛迪亚n kingdom, from the 12th century.[76] By 约 1300 the decline of 阿洛迪亚 was well advanced.[77] No pottery or glassware postdating the 13th century has been identified at Soba.[78] Two churches were apparently destroyed during the 13th century, although they were rebuilt shortly afterwards.[79] It has been suggested that 阿洛迪亚 was under attack by an African, possibly Nilotic,[80] people called Damadim who originated from the border region of modern Sudan and South Sudan, along the Bahr el Ghazal River.[81] According to geographer Ibn Sa'id al-Maghribi, they attacked Nubia in 1220.[82] Soba may have been conquered at this time, suffering occupation and destruction.[81] In the late 13th century, another invasion by an unspecified people from the south occurred.[83] In the same period poet al-Harrani wrote that 阿洛迪亚's capital was now called Waylula,[77] described as "very large" and "built on the west bank of the Nile".[84] In the early 14th century geographer Shamsaddin al-Dimashqi wrote that the capital was a place named Kusha, located far from the Nile, where water had to be obtained from wells.[85] The contemporary Italian-Mallorcan Dulcert map features both 阿洛迪亚 ("Coale") and Soba ("Sobaa").[86]
Economic factors also seem to have played a part in 阿洛迪亚's decline. From the 10th to 12th centuries the East African coast saw the rise of new trading cities such as Kilwa. These were direct mercantile competitors since they exported similar goods to Nubia.[87] A period of severe droughts occurring in Sub-Saharan Africa between 1150 and 1500 would have affected the Nubian economy as well.[88] Archeobotanical evidence from Soba suggests the town suffered from overgrazing and overcultivation.[89]
By 1276 al-Abwab, previously described as the northernmost 阿洛迪亚n province, was recorded as an independent splinter kingdom ruling over vast territories. The precise circumstances of its secession and its relations with 阿洛迪亚 thereafter remain unknown.[90] Based on pottery finds it has been suggested that al-Abwab continued to thrive until the 15th and perhaps even the 16th century.[91] In 1286 a Mamluke prince sent messengers to several rulers in central Sudan. It is not clear if they were still subject to the king in Soba[92] or if they were independent, implying a fragmentation of 阿洛迪亚 into multiple petty states by the late 13th century.[77] In 1317 a Mamluk expedition pursued Arab brigands as far south as Kassala in Taka (one of the regions which received a Mamluk messenger in 1286[92]), marching through al-Abwab and 马库里亚 on their return.[93]
During the 14th and 15th centuries much of what is now Sudan was overrun by Arab tribes and briefly conquered by the Adal Sultanate.[94] [95][96][96] They perhaps profited from the plague which might have ravaged Nubia in the mid-14th century killing many sedentary Nubians, but not affecting the nomadic Arabs.[97] They would have then intermixed with the remaining local population, gradually taking control over land and people,[98] greatly benefiting from their large population in spreading their culture.[99] The first recorded Arab migration to Nubia dates to 1324.[100] It was the disintegration of 马库里亚 in the late 14th century that, according to archaeologist William Y. Adams, caused the "flood gates" to "burst wide open".[101] Many, initially coming from Egypt, followed the course of the Nile until they reached Al Dabbah. Here they headed west to migrate along the Wadi Al-Malik to reach Darfur or Kordofan.[102] 阿洛迪亚, in particular the Butana and the Gezira, was the target of those Arabs who had lived among the Beja[103] in the Eastern Desert for centuries.[104]
Initially, the kingdom was able to exercise authority over some of the newly arrived Arab groups, forcing them to pay tribute. The situation grew increasingly precarious as more Arabs arrived.[105] By the second half of the 15th century, Arabs had settled in the entire central Sudanese Nile valley, except for the area around Soba,[98] which was all that was left of 阿洛迪亚's domain.[106] In 1474[107] it was recorded that Arabs founded the town of Arbaji on the Blue Nile, which would quickly develop into an important centre of commerce and Islamic learning.[108] In around 1500 the Nubians were recorded to be in a state of total political fragmentation, as they had no king, but 150 independent lordships centered around castles on both sides of the Nile.[77] Archaeology attests that Soba was largely ruined by this time.[10]
灭亡
It is unclear if the kingdom of 阿洛迪亚 was destroyed by the Arabs under Abdallah Jammah or by the Funj, an African group from the south led by their king Amara Dunqas.[10] Most modern scholars agree now that it fell due to the Arabs.[109][110]
Abdallah Jammah ("Abdallah the gatherer"), the eponymous ancestor[111] of the Sudanese Abdallab tribe, was a Rufa'a[112] Arab who, according to Sudanese traditions, settled in the Nile Valley after coming from the east. He consolidated his power and established his capital at Qerri, just north of the confluence of the two Niles.[113] In the late 15th century he gathered the Arab tribes to act against the 阿洛迪亚n "tyranny", as it is called, which has been interpreted as having a religious-economic motive. The Muslim Arabs no longer accepted the rule of, nor taxation by, a Christian ruler. Under Abdallah's leadership 阿洛迪亚 and its capital Soba were destroyed,[114] resulting in rich booty such as a "bejeweled crown" and a "famous necklace of pearls and rubies".[113]
According to another tradition recorded in old documents from Shendi, Soba was destroyed by Abdallah Jammah in 1509 having already been attacked in 1474. The idea of uniting the Arabs against 阿洛迪亚 is said to have already been on the mind of an emir who lived between 1439 and 1459. To this end, he migrated from Bara in Kordofan to a mountain near Ed Dueim on the White Nile. Under his grandson, called Emir Humaydan, the White Nile was crossed. There he met other Arab tribes and attacked 阿洛迪亚. The king of 阿洛迪亚 was killed, but the "patriarch", probably the archbishop of Soba, managed to flee. He soon returned to Soba. A puppet king was crowned and an army of Nubians, Beja and Abyssinians was assembled to fight "for the sake of religion". Meanwhile, the Arab alliance was about to fracture, but Abdallah Jammah reunited them, while also allying with the Funj king Amara Dunqas. Together they finally defeated and killed the patriarch, razing Soba afterwards and enslaving its population.[11]
The Funj Chronicle, a multi-authored[115] history of the Funj Sultanate compiled in the 19th century, ascribes the destruction of 阿洛迪亚 to King Amara Dunqas; he was also allied with Abdallah Jammah.[110] This attack is dated to the 9th century after the Hijra (约 1396–1494). Afterwards, Soba is said to have served as the capital of the Funj until the foundation of Sennar in 1504.[116] The Tabaqat Dayfallah, a history of Sufism in Sudan (约 1700), briefly mentions that the Funj attacked and defeated the "kingdom of the Nuba" in 1504–1505.[117]
后话
Historian Jay Spaulding proposes that the fall of Soba was not necessarily the end of 阿洛迪亚. According to the Jewish traveler David Reubeni, who visited the country in 1523, there was still a "kingdom of Soba" on the eastern bank of the Blue Nile, although he explicitly noted Soba itself was in ruins. This matches the oral traditions from the Upper Blue Nile, which claim that 阿洛迪亚 survived Soba's fall and still existed along the Blue Nile. It had gradually retreated to the mountains of Fazughli in the Ethiopian-Sudanese borderlands, forming the kingdom of Fazughli.[118] Recent excavations in western Ethiopia seem to confirm the theory of an 阿洛迪亚n migration.[119] The Funj eventually conquered Fazughli in 1685 and its population, known as Hamaj, became a fundamental part of Sennar, eventually seizing power in 1761–1762.[120] As recently as 1930[111] Hamaj villagers in the southern Gezira would swear by "Soba the home of my grandfathers and grandmothers which can make the stone float and the cotton ball sink".[92]
In 1504–1505 the Funj founded the Funj sultanate, incorporating Abdallah Jammah's domain, which, according to some traditions, happened after a battle where Amara Dunqas defeated him.[121] The Funj maintained some medieval Nubian customs like the wearing of crowns with features resembling bovine horns, called taqiya umm qarnein,[122] the shaving of the head of a king upon his coronation,[123] and, according to Jay Spaulding, the custom of raising princes separately from their mothers, under strict confinement.[124]
The aftermath of 阿洛迪亚's fall saw extensive Arabization, with the Nubians embracing the tribal system of the Arab migrants.[125] Those living along the Nile between al Dabbah in the north and the confluence of the two Niles in the south were subsumed into the Ja'alin tribe.[126] To the east, west and south of the Ja'alin the country was now dominated by tribes claiming a Juhaynah ancestry.[127] In the area around Soba, the tribal Abdallab identity prevailed.[128] The Nubian language was spoken in central Sudan until the 19th century, when it was replaced by Arabic.[129] Sudanese Arabic preserves many words of Nubian origin,[130] and Nubian place names can be found as far south as the Blue Nile state.[131]
The fate of Christianity in the region remains largely unknown.[132] The church institutions would have collapsed together with the fall of the kingdom,[125] resulting in the decline of the Christian faith and the rise of Islam in its stead.[133] Islamized groups from northern Nubia began to proselytize the Gezira.[134] As early as 1523 King Amara Dunqas, who was initially a Pagan or nominal Christian, was recorded to be Muslim.[135] Nevertheless, in the 16th century large portions of the Nubians still regarded themselves as Christians.[136] A traveler who visited Nubia around 1500 confirms this, while also saying that the Nubians were so lacking in Christian instruction they had no knowledge of the faith.[137] In 1520 Nubian ambassadors reached Ethiopia and petitioned the Emperor for priests. They claimed that no more priests could reach Nubia because of the wars between Muslims, leading to a decline of Christianity in their land.[138] In the first half of the 17th century, a prophecy made by the Sudanese Sheikh Idris Wad al-Arbab mentioned a church in the Nuba Mountains.[139] As late as the early 1770s there was said to be a Christian princedom in the Ethiopian-Sudanese border area, called Shaira.[140] Apotropaic rituals stemming from Christian practices outlived the conversion to Islam.[141] As late as the 20th century several practices of undoubtedly Christian origin were "common, though of course not universal, in Omdurman, the Gezira and Kordofan",[142] usually revolving around the application of crosses on humans and objects.[c]
Soba, which remained inhabited until at least the early 17th century,[148] served, among many other ruined 阿洛迪亚n sites, as a steady supply of bricks and stones for nearby Qubba shrines, dedicated to Sufi holy men.[149] During the early 19th century many of the remaining bricks in Soba were plundered for the construction of Khartoum, the new capital of Turkish Sudan.[150]
政治
While information about 阿洛迪亚's government is sparse,[151] it was likely similar to that of Makuria.[152] The head of state was the king who, according to al-Aswani, reigned as an absolute monarch.[151] He was recorded to be able to enslave any of his subjects at will, who would not oppose his decision, but prostrated themselves before him.[153] As in 马库里亚, succession to the 阿洛迪亚n throne was matrilineal: it was the son of the king's sister, not his son who succeeded to the throne.[152] There might be evidence a mobile royal encampment existed, although the translation of the original source, Abu al-Makarim, is not certain.[154] Similar mobile courts are known to have existed in the early Funj sultanate, Ethiopia and Darfur.[155]
The kingdom was divided into several provinces under the sovereignty of Soba.[156] It seems delegates of the king governed these provinces.[151] Al-Aswani stated that the governor of the northern al-Abwab province was appointed by the king.[157] This was similar to what Ibn Hawqal recorded for the Gash Delta region, which was ruled by an appointed Arabophone (Arabic speaker).[35] In 1286, Mamluk emissaries were sent to several rulers in central Sudan. It is unclear whether those rulers were actually independent,[77] or if they remained subordinate to the king of 阿洛迪亚. If the latter was the case, this would provide an understanding of the kingdom's territorial organization. The "Sahib" of al-Abwab[92] seems certain to have been independent.[90] Apart from al-Abwab, the following regions are mentioned: Al-Anag (possibly Fazughli); Ari; Barah; Befal; Danfou; Kedru (possibly after Kadero, a village north of Khartoum); Kersa (the Gezira); and Taka (the region around the Gash Delta).[158]
State and church were intertwined in 阿洛迪亚,[159] with the 阿洛迪亚n kings probably serving as its patrons.[160] Coptic documents observed by Johann Michael Vansleb during the later 17th century list the following bishoprics in the 阿洛迪亚n kingdom: Arodias, Borra, Gagara, Martin, Banazi, and Menkesa.[161] "Arodias" may refer to the bishopric in Soba.[159] The bishops were dependent on the patriarch of Alexandria.[4]
阿洛迪亚 may have had a standing army,[158] in which cavalry likely projected force and symbolized royal authority deep into the provinces.[162] Because of their speed, horses were also important for communication, providing a rapid courier service between the capital and the provinces.[162] Aside from horses, boats also played a central role in transportation infrastructure.[163]
名 | 统治时期 | 注释 |
---|---|---|
乔治(Giorgios) | ? | Recorded on an inscription at Soba.[69] |
大卫(David) | 9th or 10th century | Recorded on his tombstone at Soba. Initially thought to have ruled from 999 to 1015, but now proposed to have lived in the 9th / 10th centuries.[70] |
尤西比欧斯(Eusebios) | c. 938–955 | Mentioned by Ibn Hawqal.[69][164] |
斯蒂法诺斯Stephanos | c. 955 | Mentioned by Ibn Hawqal.[69][164] |
Mouses Georgios | 约 1155–1190 | 马库里亚与阿洛迪亚的共主,Recorded on letters from Qasr Ibrim and a graffito from Faras.[75] |
?Basil | 12th century | Recorded on an Arabic letter from Qasr Ibrim[69] and a graffito from Meroe(?).[165] |
?Paul | 12th century | Recorded on an Arabic letter from Qasr Ibrim.[69] |
文化
语言
阿洛迪亚是个多民族、多语言的国家[166],不过其多数人民使用努比亚语言[167]。Based on a few inscriptions found in 阿洛迪亚n territory it has been suggested that the 阿洛迪亚ns spoke a dialect distinct from Old Nobiin of northern Nubia, dubbed as Alwan-Nubian. This assumption rests primarily on the script used in these inscriptions,[168] which, while also being based on the Greek alphabet,[169] differs from that employed in 马库里亚 by making no use of Coptic diacritics and instead having special characters based on Meroitic hieroglyphs. However, ultimately the classification of this language and its relationship to Old Nobiin has yet to be specified.[170] In the 1830s it was said a Nubian language was still being spoken as far south as Berber near the junction of the Nile and the Atbara. It was supposedly similar to Kenzi but with many differences.[171]
Although Greek, a prestigious sacral language, was used, it does not appear to have been spoken.[172] An example of the use of Greek in 阿洛迪亚 is the tombstone of King David from Soba, where it is written with quite correct grammar.[173] Al-Aswani noted that books were written in Greek and then translated into Nubian.[4] The Christian liturgy was also in Greek.[174] Coptic was probably used to communicate with the Patriarch of Alexandria,[152] but written Coptic remains are very sparse.[175]
Apart from Nubian, a multitude of languages were spoken throughout the kingdom. In the Nuba mountains several Kordofanian languages occurred together with Hill Nubian dialects. Upstream along the Blue Nile Eastern Sudanic languages like Berta or Gumuz were spoken. In the eastern territories lived the Beja, who spoke their own Cushitic language, as did the Semitic Arabs[1] and the Tigre.[2]
教堂建筑
The existence of 400 churches has been recorded throughout the kingdom; most have yet to be located.[176] Only seven have been identified so far, given the simple names of church "A", "B", "C", "E", the "Mound C" church in Soba, the church in Saqadi and the temple-church in Musawwarat as-Sufra.[177] A hypothetical church was recently discovered in Abu Erteila in the western Butana.[178] Churches "A"–"C" as well as the "Mound C" church were basilicas comparable to the largest 马库里亚n churches. The Saqadi church was an insertion into a pre-existing structure. Church "E" and the church of Musawwarat es-Sufra were "normal" churches. Thus, the known 阿洛迪亚n houses of worship can be categorized into three classes.[176]
On "Mound B" in Soba lay the standalone complex of the three churches "A", "B" and "C". Churches "A" and "B", both probably built in the mid-9th century, were large buildings, the first measuring 28米 × 24.5米(92英尺 × 80英尺) and the second 27米 × 22.5米(89英尺 × 74英尺). Church "C" was much smaller [179] and built after the other two churches, probably after 约 900.[78] The three churches had many similarities, including having a narthex, wide entrances on the main east-west axis and a pulpit along the north side of the nave. Differences are evident in the thickness of the bricks used. Church "C" lacked outer aisles.[180] It seems probable that the complex was the ecclesiastical center of Soba, if not the entire kingdom.[181]
Church "E", on a natural mount, was 16.4米 × 10.6米(54英尺 × 35英尺) in size (and like all red brick structures in Soba heavily robbed).[182] Its layout was unusual,[183] such as its L-shaped narthex.[184] The roof was supported by wooden beams resting on stone pedestals. The internal walls used to be covered by painted whitewashed mud; the external walls were rendered in white lime mortar.[185]
The "Mound C" church, perhaps the oldest of the churches of Soba,[186] was around 13.5米(44英尺) in length. It was the only 阿洛迪亚n church known to have incorporated stone columns.[176] Very little remains of it and its walls, probably made of red bricks, have completely disappeared. Five capitals have been noted, belonging to a style that appeared in Nubia at the turn of the 8th century.[187]
The church of Musawwarat es-Sufra, called "Temple III A", was initially a pagan temple but was converted into a church, probably soon after the royal conversion in 580.[188] It was rectangular and slightly skewed, being 8.6米—8.8米 × 7.4米—7.6米(28英尺—29英尺 × 24英尺—25英尺) in size. It was divided into one large and three small rooms.[183] The roof, of an indeterminate shape, was supported by wooden beams.[189] Despite originally being a Kushite temple it still bears similarities to purpose-built churches, for example having an entrance on both the north and south sides.[183]
The southernmost known Nubian church was in Saqadi,[24] a red brick building[190] inserted into a pre-existing building of unknown nature.[176] It had a nave, where two L-shaped walls projected, and at least two aisles with rectangular brick piers between, as well as a range of possibly three rooms across the western end, which was a typically Nubian arrangement.[190]
Nubian church architecture was greatly influenced by that of Egypt, Syria and Armenia.[191] The constellation of the "Mound B" complex might reflect Byzantine influences.[192] The relations between the church architecture of 马库里亚 and 阿洛迪亚 remain uncertain.[193] What seems clear is that 阿洛迪亚n churches lacked eastern entrances and tribunes, features characteristic for churches in northern Nubia.[194] Furthermore, 阿洛迪亚n churches used more wood.[192] Similarities with medieval Ethiopian church architecture are harder to find, only a few details matching.[190]
陶器
在中世纪努比亚,陶器制作及其装饰被视为一种艺术形式[195]。Until the 7th century, the most common pottery type found at Soba was the so-called "Red Ware". These wheel-made hemispherical bowl were made of red or orange slip and painted with separated motifs such as boxes with inner cross-hatchings, stylized floral motifs or crosses. The outlines of the motifs were drawn in black while the interiors were white. In their design, they are a direct continuation of Kushite styles, with possible influences from Aksumite Ethiopia. Due to their relative rarity, it has been suggested that they were imported, although they bear similarities to the pottery type, known as "Soba Ware", that succeeded them.[196]
"Soba Ware" was a type of wheel-made[197] pottery with a distinctive decoration very different from that found in the rest of Nubia.[198] The shape of the pottery was diverse, as was the repertoire of painted decoration. One of the most distinctive features was the use of faces as painted decoration. They were simplified, if not geometric, in form and with big round eyes. This style is foreign to 马库里亚 and Egypt, but bears a resemblance to paintings and manuscripts from Ethiopia.[199] It is possible the potters copied these motifs from local church murals.[200] Also unique was the application of animal-shaped bosses (protomes).[201] Glazed vessels were also produced, copying Persian aquamaniles without reaching their quality.[202] Beginning in the 9th century, "Soba Ware" was increasingly replaced by fine ware imported from 马库里亚.[203]
经济
农业
阿洛迪亚因为位于萨赫勒地带,其经济相比北面的邻居马库里亚有一定的优势[5]。According to al-Aswani the "provisions of the country of Alwa and their king" came from Kersa, which has been identified with the Gezira.[156] North of the confluence of the two Niles agriculture was limited to farms along the river[28] watered by devices like the shadoof or the more sophisticated sakia.[205] In contrast, the farmers of the Gezira profited from sufficient rainfall to make rainfall cultivation the economic mainstay.[206] Archaeological records have provided insight into the types of food grown and consumed in 阿洛迪亚. At Soba, the primary cereal was sorghum, although barley and millet were also known to be consumed.[207] Al-Aswani noted that sorghum was used to make beer and said that vineyards were quite rare in 阿洛迪亚 compared to 马库里亚.[208] There is archaeological evidence of grapes.[209] According to al-Idrisi, onions, horseradish, cucumbers, watermelons and rapeseed were also cultivated,[210] but none were found at Soba.[211] Instead, figs, acacia fruits, doum palm fruits and dates have been identified.[212]
Sedentary farmers formed one part of 阿洛迪亚's agriculture, the other consisted of nomads practicing animal husbandry.[152] The relationship between these two groups was symbiotic, resulting in an exchange of goods.[213] Al-Aswani wrote that beef was plentiful in 阿洛迪亚, which he attributed to the bountiful grazing land.[153] Archaeological evidence from Soba attests to the relevance cattle had there,[214] as most animal bones are attributed to that species, followed by those of sheep and goats.[215] Chickens were probably also bred at Soba,[214] although available archaeological proof is very limited, probably due to the fragile nature of bird bones.[216] No remains of pigs have been identified.[215] Camel remains have been noted, but none bore signs of butchery.[217] Fishing and hunting made only minor contributions to the overall diet of Soba.[213]
商贸
Trade was an important source of income for the people of 阿洛迪亚. Soba served as a trading hub with north-south and east-west trade routes; goods arrived in the kingdom from 马库里亚, the Middle East, western Africa, India and China.[218] Trade with 马库里亚 probably ran through the Bayuda Desert, following Wadi Abu Dom or Wadi Muqaddam, while another route went from near Abu Hamad to Korosko in Lower Nubia. A route going east originated around Berber near the confluence of the Nile and the Atbara, terminating in Badi, Suakin and Dahlak.[219] Merchant Benjamin of Tudela mentions a route heading west, going from 阿洛迪亚 to Zuwila in Fezzan.[220] Archaeological evidence for trade with Ethiopia is virtually absent,[221] although trading relations are suggested by other evidence.[d] Trading with the outside world was handled predominantly by Arab merchants.[226] Muslim merchants were recorded as having traversed Nubia, some living in a district in Soba.[227]
Exports from 阿洛迪亚 likely included raw materials such as gold, ivory, salt and other tropical products,[228] as well as hides.[229] According to an oral tradition Arab merchants came to 阿洛迪亚 to sell silk and textiles, receiving beads, elephant teeth and leather in return.[230] At Soba silk and flax have been found, both probably originating from Egypt.[231] Most of the glass found there was also imported.[79] Benjamin of Tudela claimed merchants traveling from 阿洛迪亚 to Zuwila carried hides, wheat, fruits, legumes and salt, while carrying gold and precious stones on their return.[232] Slaves are commonly assumed to have been exported by medieval Nubia.[233] Adams postulates that 阿洛迪亚 was a specialized slave-trading state that exploited the pagan populations to the west and south.[234] Evidence for a regulated slave trade is very limited.[235][e] It is only from the 16th century, after the fall of the Christian kingdoms, that such evidence begins to appear.[237]
注释
- ^ Kordofanian languages; various Eastern Sudanic languages spoken in the Upper Blue Nile Valley (for example Berta); Arabic, Beja;[1] and Tigre[2]
- ^ "The most southerly church known, which presumably was within the kingdom of Alwa, lay at Saqadi 50 km to the west of Sennar",[24] while "the most southerly find of Alwan material on the Blue Nile is a pottery chalice, from Khalil el-Kubra 40 km upstream of Sennar".[25]
- ^ In 1918 it was recorded that in parts of Omdurman, the Gezira and Kordofan, practices of Christian origin included the marking of crosses on foreheads of newborns or on stomachs of sick boys as well as putting straw crosses on bowls of milk.[143] In 1927 it was recorded that along the White Nile, crosses were painted on bowls filled with wheat.[144] In 1930 it was not only recorded that youths in Fazughli and the Gezira would be painted with crosses, but also that coins with crosses were worn to provide assistance against illnesses.[145] A very similar custom was known from Lower Nubia, where women wore such coins on special holidays. It seems likely that this was a living memory of the Jizya tax, which was enforced on Christians who refused to convert to Islam.[146] Christianizing rituals are also known from the Nuba mountains: crosses were painted on foreheads and breasts and were applied to blankets and baskets.[147]
- ^ John of Ephesus wrote of Aksumites in 阿洛迪亚, possibly referring to merchants,[222] while the contemporary Cosmas Indicopleustes reported Aksumite trade expeditions into the Blue Nile Valley, so arguably in the 阿洛迪亚n sphere of influence. In the 12th century al-Idrisi made mention of a trading town in the northern Butana, a place "where merchants from Nubia and Ethiopia gather together with those from Egypt".[223] Historian Mordechai Abir suggests that merchants from the Zagwe kingdom traveled through 阿洛迪亚 to reach Egypt.[224] Some Ethiopian traditions recall a people named "Soba Noba".[225]
- ^ The African slave armies that were deployed in Egypt by the Tulunids, Ikhshidids and Fatimids are often cited as evidence for a Nubian slave trade, but it is more likely these slaves came from the Chad basin instead. (In Fatimid sources they appear as Zuwayla, indicting an origin from Zuwila in Fezzan.)[236]
引用
- ^ 1.0 1.1 Zarroug 1991,第89–90页.
- ^ 2.0 2.1 Zaborski 2003,第471页.
- ^ Lajtar 2009,第93–94页.
- ^ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 Zarroug 1991,第20页.
- ^ 5.0 5.1 Welsby 2014,第183页.
- ^ Welsby 2014,第197页.
- ^ 7.0 7.1 Werner 2013,第93页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第15–23页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第12–15页.
- ^ 10.0 10.1 10.2 Welsby 2002,第255页.
- ^ 11.0 11.1 Vantini 2006,第487–491页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第19–20页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第9页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第58–70页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第25页.
- ^ 16.0 16.1 Edwards 2004,第221页.
- ^ Drzewiecki et al. 2018,第28页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第161–164页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第28–29页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第41页.
- ^ Welsby 2014,Figure 2.
- ^ Obluski 2017,第15页.
- ^ 23.0 23.1 Welsby & Daniels 1991,第8页.
- ^ 24.0 24.1 Welsby 2002,第86页.
- ^ Welsby 2014,第185页.
- ^ Spaulding 1998,第49页.
- ^ Edwards 2004,第253页.
- ^ 28.0 28.1 28.2 Zarroug 1991,第74页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第21–22页.
- ^ 30.0 30.1 30.2 Welsby 2002,第26页.
- ^ Welsby 2014,第192页.
- ^ Welsby 2014,第188–190页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第62页.
- ^ Welsby 2014,第187页.
- ^ 35.0 35.1 Zarroug 1991,第98页.
- ^ Fattovich 1984,第105–106页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第8页.
- ^ 38.0 38.1 38.2 Hatke 2013,§4.5.2.3.
- ^ Rilly 2008,Fig. 3.
- ^ Rilly 2008,第211页.
- ^ Rilly 2008,第216–217页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第35页.
- ^ Hatke 2013,§4.5.2.1., see also §4.5. for the discussion of a Greek inscription with similar content.
- ^ Hatke 2013,§4.6.3.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第22–23页.
- ^ Welsby 2014,第191页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第28页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第40–41页.
- ^ Edwards 2004,第187页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第39页.
- ^ Edwards 2004,第182页.
- ^ 52.0 52.1 Werner 2013,第45页.
- ^ Welsby 1998,第20页.
- ^ Pierce 1995,第148–166页.
- ^ Tsakos & Kleinitz 2018,第127页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第51–62页.
- ^ Edwards 2001,第95页.
- ^ Drzewiecki & Cedro 2019,第129页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第68页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第77页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第68–71页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第77页.
- ^ Power 2008.
- ^ Adams 1977,第553–554页.
- ^ Shinnie 1961,第76页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第16–17页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第17–19页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第17页.
- ^ 69.0 69.1 69.2 69.3 69.4 69.5 69.6 Welsby 2002,第261页.
- ^ 70.0 70.1 Lajtar 2003,第203页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第22–23页.
- ^ 72.0 72.1 Welsby 2002,第89页.
- ^ Godlewski 2012,第204页.
- ^ Danys & Zielinska 2017,第184页.
- ^ 75.0 75.1 Lajtar 2009,第89–94页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第252页.
- ^ 77.0 77.1 77.2 77.3 77.4 O'Fahey & Spaulding 1974,第19页.
- ^ 78.0 78.1 Welsby & Daniels 1991,第34页.
- ^ 79.0 79.1 Welsby & Daniels 1991,第9页.
- ^ Beswick 2004,第24页.
- ^ 81.0 81.1 Werner 2013,第115页.
- ^ Vantini 1975,第400页.
- ^ Hasan 1967,第130页.
- ^ Vantini 1975,第448页.
- ^ Adams 1977,第537–538页.
- ^ Hirsch 1990,第88页.
- ^ Grajetzki 2009,第121–122页.
- ^ Zurawski 2014,第84页.
- ^ Cartwright 1999,第256页.
- ^ 90.0 90.1 Welsby 2002,第254页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第127, 159页.
- ^ 92.0 92.1 92.2 92.3 Zarroug 1991,第99页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第138页.
- ^ Owens, Travis. BELEAGUERED MUSLIM FORTRESSES AND ETHIOPIAN IMPERIAL EXPANSION FROM THE 13TH TO THE 16TH CENTURY (PDF). NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL. : 23. (原始内容存档 (PDF)于November 12, 2020).
- ^ Pouwels, Randall. The History of Islam in Africa. Ohio University Press. 31 March 2000: 229. ISBN 9780821444610.
- ^ 96.0 96.1 Hasan 1967,第176页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第142–143页.
- ^ 98.0 98.1 Hasan 1967,第128页.
- ^ Hasan 1967,第175页.
- ^ Hasan 1967,第106页.
- ^ Adams 1977,第556页.
- ^ Braukämper 1992,第108–109, 111页.
- ^ Hasan 1967,第145页.
- ^ Adams 1977,第554页.
- ^ Hasan 1967,第129, 132–133页.
- ^ Adams 1977,第545页.
- ^ Vantini 1975,第784页.
- ^ McHugh 1994,第38页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第25页.
- ^ 110.0 110.1 Adams 1977,第538页.
- ^ 111.0 111.1 Adams 1977,第539页.
- ^ Hasan 1967,第132页.
- ^ 113.0 113.1 O'Fahey & Spaulding 1974,第23页.
- ^ Hasan 1967,第132–133页.
- ^ Hasan 1967,第213页.
- ^ Vantini 1975,第786–787页.
- ^ Vantini 1975,第784–785页.
- ^ Spaulding 1974,第12–21页.
- ^ Gonzalez-Ruibal & Falquina 2017,第16–18页.
- ^ Spaulding 1974,第21–25页.
- ^ O'Fahey & Spaulding 1974,第25–26页.
- ^ Zurawski 2014,第148–149页.
- ^ Zurawski 2014,第149页.
- ^ Spaulding 1985,第23页.
- ^ 125.0 125.1 Werner 2013,第156页.
- ^ Adams 1977,第557–558页.
- ^ Adams 1977,第558页.
- ^ O'Fahey & Spaulding 1974,第29页.
- ^ Edwards 2004,第260页.
- ^ Abu-Manga 2009,第377页.
- ^ Taha 2012,第10 (Taha ascribes these names a Dongolawi Nubian origin)页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第171页.
- ^ Adams 1977,第564页.
- ^ McHugh 1994,第59页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第170–171页.
- ^ Zurawski 2014,第84–85页.
- ^ Hasan 1967,第131–132页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第150页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第181页.
- ^ Spaulding 1974,第22, note 31页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第177页.
- ^ Crowfoot 1918,第56页.
- ^ Crowfoot 1918,第55–56页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第177–178页.
- ^ Chataway 1930,第256页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第178页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第182页.
- ^ Crawford 1951,第28–29页.
- ^ McHugh 2016,第110页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第43页.
- ^ 151.0 151.1 151.2 Zarroug 1991,第97页.
- ^ 152.0 152.1 152.2 152.3 Obluski 2017,第16页.
- ^ 153.0 153.1 Vantini 1975,第614页.
- ^ Seignobos 2015,第224页.
- ^ Spaulding 1972,第52页.
- ^ 156.0 156.1 Zarroug 1991,第100页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第19页.
- ^ 158.0 158.1 Zarroug 1991,第98–100页.
- ^ 159.0 159.1 Werner 2013,第165页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第101页.
- ^ Crawford 1951,第26页.
- ^ 162.0 162.1 Zarroug 1991,第22页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第85页.
- ^ 164.0 164.1 Vantini 1975,第153页.
- ^ Munro-Hay 1982,第113页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第88–90页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第46页.
- ^ Breyer 2014,第188-189页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第186, note 6页.
- ^ Breyer 2014,第189-190页.
- ^ Russegger 1843,第456页.
- ^ Ochala 2014,第43–44页.
- ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991,第274–276页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第197页.
- ^ Ochala 2014,第37页.
- ^ 176.0 176.1 176.2 176.3 Welsby 2002,第153页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第149, note 38页.
- ^ Baldi & Varriale 2010,第284–288页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第163页.
- ^ Welsby 1996,第188页.
- ^ Edwards 2004,第222页.
- ^ Welsby 1998,第28–29页.
- ^ 183.0 183.1 183.2 Welsby 2002,第154页.
- ^ Welsby 1998,第275页.
- ^ Welsby 1998,第30–32页.
- ^ Welsby 1996,第187页.
- ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991,第321–322页.
- ^ Török 1974,第100页.
- ^ Török 1974,第95页.
- ^ 190.0 190.1 190.2 Welsby & Daniels 1991,第322页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第155页.
- ^ 192.0 192.1 Werner 2013,第164页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第149页.
- ^ Welsby 1996,第189页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第194页.
- ^ Danys & Zielinska 2017,第177–178页.
- ^ Danys & Zielinska 2017,第182页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第234页.
- ^ Danys & Zielinska 2017,第179–181页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第235页.
- ^ Danys & Zielinska 2017,第180页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第194–195页.
- ^ Danys & Zielinska 2017,第183页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第185页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第77–79页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第75页.
- ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991,第265–267页.
- ^ Vantini 1975,第613页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第186页.
- ^ Vantini 1975,第274页.
- ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991,第273页.
- ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991,Table 16.
- ^ 213.0 213.1 Welsby 2002,第188页.
- ^ 214.0 214.1 Welsby 1998,第245页.
- ^ 215.0 215.1 Welsby 2002,第187页.
- ^ Welsby 1998,第241页.
- ^ Welsby 1998,第240页.
- ^ Werner 2013,第166页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第213页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第87页.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第214–215页.
- ^ Hatke 2013,§5.3.
- ^ Welsby 2002,第215页.
- ^ Abir 1980,第15页.
- ^ Brita 2014,第517页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第86页.
- ^ Hasan 1967,第46页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第84页.
- ^ Zarroug 1991,第82页.
- ^ Abd ar-Rahman 2011,第52页.
- ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991,第307页.
- ^ Hess 1965,第17页.
- ^ Edwards 2011,第87–88页.
- ^ Adams 1977,第471页.
- ^ Edwards 2011,第103页.
- ^ Edwards 2011,第89–90页.
- ^ Edwards 2011,第95–96页.
来源
- Abd ar-Rahman, Rabab. آثار مملكة علوة 500م – 1500م (إقليم سوبا) رباب عبد الرحمن [The archaeology of the Alwa kingdom 500 AD – 1500 AD (Soba region)] (PDF). 2011 [2018-10-14] (Arabic).
- Abir, Mordechai. Ethiopia and the Red Sea: The Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim European Rivalry in the Region. Routledge. 1980. ISBN 978-0-7146-3164-6.
- Abu-Manga, Al-Amin. Sudan. Kees Versteegh (编). Encyclopedia of Arabic Languages and Linguistics. Volume IV. Q–Z. Brill. 2009: 367–375. ISBN 978-90-04-17702-4.
- Adams, William Y. Nubia. Corridor to Africa. Princeton University Press. 1977. ISBN 978-0-691-09370-3.
- Baldi, Marco; Varriale, Maria Rita. An Hypothetical 3D Reconstruction of the So-Called Church in Abu Ertelia. Africa (Istituto italo-africano). 2010, 1–4. ISSN 0001-9747.
- Beswick, Stephanie. Sudan's Blood Memory. University of Rochester. 2004. ISBN 978-1-58046-231-0.
- Braukämper, Ulrich. Migration und ethnischer Wandel. Untersuchungen aus der östlichen Sahelzone ["Migration and ethnic change. Investigations from the eastern Sahel zone"]. Franz Steiner Verlag. 1992. ISBN 978-3-515-05830-8 (German).
- Breyer, Francis. Einführung in die Meroitistik. Lit. 2014. ISBN 9783643128058 (German).
- Brita, Antonella. Soba Noba. Siegbert Uhlig, Alessandro Bausi (编). Encyclopedia Aethiopica 5. Harrassowitz Verlag. 2014: 517. ISBN 978-3-447-06740-9.
- Cartwright, Caroline R. Reconstructing the Woody Resources of the Medieval Kingdom of Alwa, Sudan. Marijke van der Veen (编). The Exploitation of Plant Resources in Ancient Africa. Kluwer Academic/Plenum. 1999: 241–259. ISBN 978-1-4757-6730-8.
- Chataway, J.D.P. Notes on the history of the Fung (PDF). Sudan Notes and Records. 1930, 13: 247–258.
- Crawford, O.G.S. The Fung Kingdom of Sennar. John Bellows Ltd. 1951. OCLC 253111091.
- Crowfoot, J.W. The sign of the cross (PDF). Sudan Notes and Records. 1918, 1: 55–56, 216.
- Danys, Katarzyna; Zielinska, Dobrochna. Alwan art. Towards an insight into the aesthetics of the Kingdom of Alwa through the painted pottery decoration. Sudan&Nubia. 2017, 21: 177–185. ISSN 1369-5770.
- Drzewiecki, Mariusz; Cedro, Aneta; Ryndziewicz, Robert; Khogli Ali Ahmed, Selma. Expedition to Hosh el-Kab, Abu Nafisa, and Umm Marrahi forts. Preliminary report from the second season of fieldwork conducted from November 13th to December 8th, 2018 with an appendix on an aerial survey of Soba East on 12th and 13th December 2018 (报告). Omdurman. 2018. doi:10.13140/RG.2.2.26111.66724/1.
- Drzewiecki, Mariusz; Cedro, Aneta. Recent Research at Jebel Umm Marrahi (Khartoum Province). Der antike Sudan. Mitteilungen der sudanarchäologische Gesellschaft zu Berlin e.V. (Sudanarchäologische Gesellschaft zu Berlin). 2019: 117–130. ISSN 0945-9502.
- Edwards, David. The Christianisation of Nubia: Some archaeological pointers. Sudan & Nubia. 2001, 5: 89–96. ISSN 1369-5770.
- Edwards, David. The Nubian Past: An Archaeology of the Sudan. Routledge. 2004. ISBN 978-0-415-36987-9.
- Edwards, David. Slavery and Slaving in the Medieval and Post-Medieval kingdoms of the Middle Nile. Paul Lane and Kevin C. MacDonald (编). Comparative Dimensions of Slavery in Africa: Archaeology and Memory. British Academy. 2011: 79–108. ISBN 978-0-19-726478-2.
- Fattovich, Rodolfo. Remarks on the peopling of the northern Ethiopian Sudanese borderland in ancient historical times. Rivista degli studi orientali (Fabrizio Serra Editore). 1984, 58: 85–106. ISSN 0392-4866.
- Gonzalez-Ruibal, Alfredo; Falquina, Alvaro. In Sudan's Eastern Borderland: Frontier Societies of the Qwara Region (ca. AD 600–1850). Journal of African Archaeology. 2017, 15 (2): 173–201. ISSN 1612-1651. doi:10.1163/21915784-12340011.
- Grajetzki, Wolfram. Das Ende der christlich-nubischen Reiche ["The end of the Christian Nubian realms"] (PDF) X. Golden House Publications. 2009 [2017-07-14]. ISBN 978-1-906137-13-7. (原始内容 (PDF)存档于2019-06-02) (German).
|journal=
被忽略 (帮助) - Godlewski, Wlodzimierz. Merkurious. Emmanuel Kwaku Akyeampong; Steven J. Niven (编). Dictionary of African Biography 4. Oxford University. 2012: 204. ISBN 978-0-19-538207-5.
- Hasan, Yusuf Fadl. The Arabs and the Sudan. From the seventh to the early sixteenth century. Edinburgh University Press. 1967. OCLC 33206034.
- Hatke, G. Aksum and Nubia: Warfare, Commerce, and Political Fictions in Ancient Northeast Africa. NYU. 2013. ISBN 978-0-8147-6066-6.
- Hess, Robert L. The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: A Twelfth-Century Jewish Description of North-East Africa. The Journal of African History. 1965, 6 (1): 15–24. ISSN 0021-8537. doi:10.1017/S0021853700005302.
- Hirsch, Betrand. L'espace nubien et éthiopien sur les cartes portulans du XIVe siècle. Médiévales (Centre de recherche de l'Université de Paris). 1990, 9 (18): 69–92. ISSN 0751-2708. doi:10.3406/medi.1990.1168 (French).
- Lajtar, Adam. Catalogue of the Greek Inscriptions in the Sudan National Museum at Khartoum. Peeters. 2003. ISBN 978-90-429-1252-6.
- Lajtar, Adam. Varia Nubica XII-XIX (PDF). The Journal of Juristic Papyrology. 2009, XXXIX: 83–119. ISSN 0075-4277 (German).
- McHugh, Neil. Holymen of the Blue Nile: The Making of an Arab-Islamic Community in the Nilotic Sudan. Northwestern University. 1994. ISBN 978-0-8101-1069-4.
- McHugh, Neil. Historical perspectives on the domed shrine in the Nilotic Sudan. Abdelmajid Hannoum (编). Practicing Sufism: Sufi Politics and Performance in Africa. Routledge. 2016: 105–130. ISBN 978-1-138-64918-7.
- Munro-Hay, S. C. Kings and Kingdoms of Ancient Nubia. Rassegna di Studi Etiopici (Istituto per l'Oriente C. A. Nallino). 1982, 29: 87–137. ISSN 0390-0096.
- Obluski, Artur. Alwa. Saheed Aderinto (编). African Kingdoms: An Encyclopedia of Empires and Civilizations. ABC-CLIO. 2017: 15–17. ISBN 978-1-61069-580-0.
- Ochala, Grzegorz. Multilingualism in Christian Nubia: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches 1. Journal of Juristic Papyrology. 2014. ISBN 978-0692229149. doi:10.5070/D61110007.
|journal=
被忽略 (帮助) - O'Fahey, R.S.; Spaulding, Jay L. Kingdoms of the Sudan. Methuen Young Books. 1974. ISBN 978-0-416-77450-4.
- Pierce, Richard Holton. A sale of an Alodian slave girl: A reexamination of papyrus Strassburg Inv. 1404. Symbolae Osloenses. 1995, LXX: 148–166. ISSN 0039-7679. doi:10.1080/00397679508590895.
- Power, Tim. The Origin and Development of the Sudanese Ports ('Aydhâb, Bâ/di', Sawâkin) in the early Islamic Period. Chroniques Yéménites. 2008, 15: 92–110. ISSN 1248-0568.
- Rilly, Claude. Enemy brothers: Kinship and relationship between Meroites and Nubians (Noba). Between the Cataracts: Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw, 27 August – 2 September 2006. Part One. PAM. 2008: 211–225. ISBN 978-83-235-0271-5.
- Russegger, Joseph. Reise in Egypten, Nubien und Ost-Sudan. Schweizerbart'sche Verlagshandlung. 1843. OCLC 311212367 (German).
- Seignobos, Robin. Les évêches Nubiens: Nouveaux témoinages. La source de la liste de Vansleb et deux autres textes méconnus. Adam Lajtar; Grzegorz Ochala; Jacques van der Vliet (编). Nubian Voices II. New Texts and Studies on Christian Nubian Culture. Raphael Taubenschlag Foundation. 2015. ISBN 978-8393842575 (French).
- Shinnie, P. Excavations at Soba. Sudan Antiquities Service. 1961. OCLC 934919402.
- Spaulding, Jay. The Funj: A Reconsideration. The Journal of African History. 1972, 13 (1): 39–53. ISSN 0021-8537. doi:10.1017/S0021853700000256.
- Spaulding, Jay. The Fate of Alodia (PDF). Meroitic Newsletter. 1974, 15: 12–30. ISSN 1266-1635.
- Spaulding, Jay. The Heroic Age in Sennar. Red Sea. 1985. ISBN 978-1569022603.
- Spaulding, Jay. Early Kordofan. Endre Stiansen and Michael Kevane (编). Kordofan Invaded: Peripheral Incorporation in Islamic Africa. Brill. 1998: 46–59. ISBN 978-9004110496.
- Taha, A. Taha. The influence of Dongolawi Nubian on Sudan Arabic (PDF). California Linguistic Notes. 2012, XXXVII. ISSN 0741-1391.
- Török, Laszlo. Ein christianisiertes Tempelgebäude in Musawwarat es Sufra (Sudan) ["A Christianized temple building in Musawwarat es Sufra (Sudan)"] (PDF). Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. 1974, 26: 71–104. ISSN 0001-5210 (German).
- Tsakos, Alexandros; Kleinitz, Cornelia. Medieval graffiti in the sandstone quarries of Meroe: texts, monograms and cryptograms of Christian Nubia. The Quarries of Meroe, Sudan. Part 1, Text. HBKU. 2018: 127–142. ISBN 9789927118876.
- Vantini, Giovanni. Oriental Sources concerning Nubia. Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. 1975. OCLC 174917032.
- Vantini, Giovanni. Some new light on the end of Soba. Alessandro Roccati and Isabella Caneva (编). Acta Nubica. Proceedings of the X International Conference of Nubian Studies Rome 9–14 September 2002. Libreria Dello Stato. 2006: 487–491. ISBN 978-88-240-1314-7.
- Welsby, Derek. The Medieval Kingdom of Alwa. Rolf Gundlach; Manfred Kropp; Annalis Leibundgut (编). Der Sudan in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Sudan Past and Present). Peter Lang. 1996: 179–194. ISBN 978-3-631-48091-5.
- Welsby, Derek. Soba II. Renewed excavations within the metropolis of the Kingdom of Alwa in Central Sudan. British Museum. 1998. ISBN 978-0-7141-1903-8.
- Welsby, Derek. The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia. Pagans, Christians and Muslims Along the Middle Nile. British Museum. 2002. ISBN 978-0-7141-1947-2.
- Welsby, Derek. The Kingdom of Alwa. Julie R. Anderson; Derek A. Welsby (编). The Fourth Cataract and Beyond: Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies. Peeters Publishers. 2014: 183–200. ISBN 978-90-429-3044-5.
- Welsby, Derek; Daniels, C.M. Soba. Archaeological Research at a Medieval Capital on the Blue Nile. The British Institute in Eastern Africa. 1991. ISBN 978-1-872566-02-3.
- Werner, Roland. Das Christentum in Nubien. Geschichte und Gestalt einer afrikanischen Kirche ["Christianity in Nubia. History and shape of an African church"]. Lit. 2013. ISBN 978-3-643-12196-7 (German).
- Zaborski, Andrzej. Baqulin. Siegbert Uhlig (编). Encyclopedia Aethiopica 1. Harrassowitz Verlag. 2003: 471. ISBN 978-3447047463.
- Zarroug, Mohi El-Din Abdalla. The Kingdom of Alwa. University of Calgary Press. 1991. ISBN 978-0-919813-94-6.
- Zurawski, Bogdan. Kings and Pilgrims. St. Raphael Church II at Banganarti, mid-eleventh to mid-eighteenth century. IKSiO PAN. 2014. ISBN 978-83-7543-371-5.
15°31′26″N 32°40′51″E / 15.52389°N 32.68083°E
延伸阅读
- Drzewiecki, Mariusz; Michalik, Tomasz. The beginnings of the Alwan capital of Soba in light of new archaeological evidence. Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean (University of Warsaw). 2021, 30/2: 419–438. ISSN 2083-537X.
- Drzewiecki, Mariusz; Ryndziewicz, Robert. Developing a New Approach to Research at Soba, the Capital of the Medieval Kingdom of Alwa (PDF). Archaeologies: Journal of World Archaeological Congress. 2019, 15 (2): 314–337. ISSN 1935-3987. S2CID 200040640. doi:10.1007/s11759-019-09370-x.
- Gerhards, Gabriel. Some notes on the Christian medieval heritage of the Gezira (central Sudan). Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean (University of Warsaw). 2021, 30/2: 439–460. ISSN 2083-537X.
外部链接
- States and territories established in the 6th century
- States and territories disestablished in the 15th century
- History of Nubia
- History of Sudan
- Nubia
- Countries in ancient Africa
- Countries in medieval Africa
- Former monarchies of Africa
- 6th-century establishments in Africa
- 16th-century disestablishments in Africa
- Medieval Islamic world
- Spread of Islam
- Sahelian kingdoms
- Christianity in the Middle Ages
- Coptic Orthodox Church
- Former countries